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Some days
I wish I could turn back the hands of time, not because of
my wrinkles or even because I want to feel younger. This wish
to manipulate the clock has nothing to do with me (or does
it?). I just want my teenage daughter to revert back to a
dependent, more self-centered and less politically aware individual.
I want her to stop watching television, especially during
this election year. If she still craved cartoons, I wouldn't
have to explain how a politician and his political party often
depend on this medium to win elections.
This ability
to vie for leadership in such a widespread and unforgiving
medium is especially grueling for investors, because each
televised blink of a politico's eye might mean something in
the economic arena. Cora's anxiety level about her portfolio
increased over the past month, because she's worried about
how this election will impact the markets this year (and just
a year ago, she worried more about boys).
Since
Cora asked questions to which I had no answers this past week,
I thought it might benefit my situation and help alleviate
her fears to divert her attention. This is how we went to
the history of mediums used to communicate economic and political
messages. Here, at least, we could compare our current situation
to past events, and possibly, maybe, perhaps, find comfort
in the knowledge that this year is just like any other election
year.
Although
Cora and I grew up with television as a familiar medium, this
electronic device wasn't used to broadcast economic or political
messages on a widespread basis until after WWII. Before that
time, the radio was the prominent medium for these messages.
Before 1932, politicians and political parties depended on
newspapers, broadsides and flyers, and word-of-mouth to compete
against each other and to comfort their constituencies.
As a history
major, I often find amusing anecdotes in newspapers published
at the turn of the twentieth-century in my research, as journalists
at that time used much more florid prose than they do today.
Many newspapers at the turn of the twentieth-century didn't
hide their political affiliations, and editors and journalists
often created news to complete various objectives. The "who,
what, when where, how, and why" of journalism was often colored
by opinions, rather than factual information.
This form
of reporting made their stories more anecdotal than factual,
more personal than objective. From a history major's standpoint,
these articles provide substantial source materials for national,
statewide, and localized attitudes. However, this subjective
and opinionated outlook was both misleading and, at the same
time, a creative form of journalism that conservative newspapers
loathed. This "yellow journalism" is defined as reporting
that exploits, distorts, or exaggerates the news to create
sensations and attract readers (For more about this genre,
type "yellow journalism" into your favorite search engine).
Between
1897 and 1901, the debates over yellow journalism were at
their height, and William McKinley was president. News focused
on finances and on political relationships between the U.S.,
Spain, and Cuba. For an example of how journalism was used
to incite emotions and opinions at this time, let's take a
look at how newspapers possibly influenced America's involvement
in the Spanish-American War:
"Reporting
the stalemate between Spanish forces and revolutionaries in
Cuba, newspapers screamed that a quarter of the population
was dead and the rest suffering acutely. Public indignation
brought pressure upon the President for war. Unable to restrain
Congress or the American people, McKinley delivered his message
of neutral intervention in April 1898. Congress thereupon
voted three resolutions tantamount to a declaration of war
for the liberation and independence of Cuba."*
I stated
above that newspapers "possibly" influenced the way U.S. entered
the Spanish-American War, because differing opinions exist
about how this war began and how our nation became involved.
However, we can see that the newspaper medium was a major
form of communication during this time. Additionally, McKinley
and other presidents before him and immediately after him
toured the country to listen to their constituencies' opinions.
They could not rely on radio, television, or email to help
them sort out public opinion, because none of these forms
of communication existed then.
The overt
political overtones provided by historic newspapers are often
refreshing. A reader in 1900 didn't have to research the ownership
of a newspaper to discover which corporation(s) owned it,
and how "facts" might be shaped to conform to corporate relationships
and objectives. Newspapers today usually print opinions provided
only by a limited number of individuals and, ideally, this
reporting has objective goals.
This limitation
on visible speculation is supposedly for the common good,
but it doesn't provide us with a way to measure the boundaries
of our own insights. Fortunately, "letters to the editor"
and opinion articles do exist, and they help us discover observations
other than those of political candidates and their supporters.
Through input provided by the "regular citizen" (like us!),
we can expand our perceptions and possibly find support for
our opinions.
This week's
project includes research into your own favorite newspaper(s).
Find out who owns the publication, whether they're listed
in the stock market, who their competitors are and if they
are also listed on the market. Purchase a competitor's newspaper
to compare the following:
1. Editorials
- see what each editor's stance is on issues.
2. Advertisers - compare advertisers for size and brand.
3. News - compare how news is written. Do they carry the same
facts?
Many newspapers
today demand payment in advance for ads from political candidates.
They also might create parameters for space allocated to each
candidate, so it doesn't appear the newspaper favors one candidate
over another. Over the next few months, compare political
advertisements in your own paper to see whether or not this
is true for your area. Look at the fine print at the bottom
of the ad to find out who financed that ad. Those teeny letters
can speak a ton of information.
Next week,
we'll move into radio, and learn how President Roosevelt handled
the nation's economic fears with his fireside chats.
Until
Then,
Linda Goin
* This
quote came from the White House web site's section
on past presidents.
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